Showing posts with label Economy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Economy. Show all posts

Saturday, April 13, 2013

Why are governments addicted to neoliberal #austerity?



The key to deficit reduction is not austerity - reducing government spending by cutting programs and personnel - but good old-fashioned employment. Stanford’s argument is in the Krugman reformist, Keynesian tradition. He doesn't seek a transformation, merely a technical economic readjustment, but, given our failure to transform capitalism so far - which can be brought about, in any case, only with a political strategy, not mere economic tinkering - it has value within the framework of a capitalist reality - a stopgap of sorts. 
As I've said many times in that context:
Without employment, no income; without income, no spending; without spending, no demand; without demand, no production; without production, no economy.
And thus no tax revenue to pay down the deficit. Frighteningly simple, especially when one realizes that government itself instead of firing people could be employing them and establishing employment programs in an effort to stimulate the economy when the private sector is failing to do so during these stagnating times.
Still, the question remains: why is it that so many governments continue to drink the austerity koolaid when it is so evident from countless global examples that it simply doesn't work? Because of course, as the main partner in corporatocracies, they serve their corporate brethren and their plutocratic masters. Austerity always privileges this investor class, and, while it may seem counter-intuitive, recessions, as Robert Pollin has suggested, actually benefit this class*. Ontario is no exception in its allegiance to the financial sector - after all Bay Street isn't in Boise -  especially since it necessarily controls so much of Ontario’s industrial economy too. As long as industrial economic activity is fulled by debt/credit, the financial sector and its capital will be in control.
We should nevertheless be grateful, I suppose, that the Ontario Liberals chose to ignore Don Drummond’s highly dubious classic neoliberal recommendations. Who knows the horrors they might have wrought.
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* In the eyes of the investor class, austerity presumably generates confidence by working to maintain government solvency and asset value, especially long-term government bonds, by way of keeping inflation in check through reduced spending. Thus Canada’s neoliberal fiscal policy complements the Bank of Canada’s monetary policy of low interest rates, which also keep inflation in check. This is important to the investor class because government is of course the final guarantor of the plutocrats’ investments and their banking institutions. The outsourcing of government services if they happen at all under austerity is only an incidental benefit as is increased neoliberal freedom in the “marketplace,” for spending, whether intended by the policy or not, is also seriously inhibited in the general economy..

Thursday, April 11, 2013

Maybe its time to begin thinking about withdrawing our patronage from all retailers and services that offshore labour

"Yes, the Conservatives are focused on what they call the economy. But their economy is a ruthless, inhuman task-master. It demands that the very profitable Royal Bank be even more profitable. It demands that 45 highly trained people lose their jobs. It demands that Canada’s visa system allow all of this to happen. The government serves this economy faithfully. Whom does this economy serve?"      - Thomas Walkom, Toronto Star
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Maybe its time to begin thinking about withdrawing our patronage from all retailers and services that offshore labour - including perhaps even call centres, which are the most inefficient offshore labour* of all. That might be hard to do, but choices can be made on the scale of evil, even though it’s true, as Phil Soubliere once told me, the lesser of two evils is still evil.

One could also continue to educate one’s family, neigbours, and friends about the exploitative practices that lie behind their shiny new mobile phone or computer, their wonderfully au courant clothing, their expansive new internet service, and their friendly neighbourhood bank. I find, however, that most people, wanting to get on with their necessitated drudge lives, could care less. Yes, of course you’re right, my dear fellow, but what can I do about it? So good luck with that. Maybe your mother will listen.
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*English is indeed the language of business and global commerce thanks to U.S. imperial control of global finance, but the cultural differences, the nuances, the subtexts, the connotations, the rhythms among English language speakers are significant when it comes to communication efficiency - which is what a call centre should be all about. An English-speaking German really doesn’t speak the same language as an Indian or Texan. This is why offshoring call centres in the interest of profit and wage cost cutting is a failed business practice. It frequently if not always alienates clients.  The neoliberal habit of displacing domestic workers is also of course in and of itself morally reprehensible.

Wednesday, April 3, 2013

Change will not come from government and this policy or that - only from extra-congressional, extra-parliamentary strategies.



Here is a two-part interview with Stephanie Seguino, who, though focusing squarely on income inequality and its racial and gender implications, is not a revolutionary transformer of capitalism but a technical reformer in the Krugman Keynesian tradition. Like  Krugman, she advocates closely monitored public spending as a way to stimulate the economy. An interesting argument - especially on how profoundly youth, blacks, Hispanics and single mothers are disparagingly affected by income inequality resulting from the 2008 crisis - but one, alas, that simply asks for better management, not change to the very system itself. It remains clear that change will not come from government and this policy or that -  only from extra-congressional, extra-parliamentary strategies.

Wednesday, March 27, 2013

Inform your "fiscally conservative" friends please of this astounding failure

#neoliberalism Under Flaherty the #cdnecon since 2006 has been a debt-fuelled financialized one only with little real production, productivity, or significantly increased employment to drive demand. Credit card debt has gone from $35.6 billion in February 2006 to $77.4 in February 2012, a staggering 117% increase.  

Mortgage debt has gone from $672.5 billion to $1111.8 billion in February 2012, an eye-popping 65.3%. And these figures do not account for the past 12 month period, in which we already know personal debt has substantially increased even more.  The personal debt to income ratio is 165% - which ought to be an embarrassment to all Canadians not just the so-called Finance Minister.

 Why has Flaherty remained credible to the mainstream media? Because he's enabling them to make record profits, we know why he has to the financial community, especially since all his private sector economic consultants are from the banking sector. And of course it is these same consultants to whom the press turns for its stories. They're both inside the neoliberal bubble.


Yes, I'm repeating myself. 

Saturday, December 1, 2012

Canada’s economy in a stall, StatsCan reports


There’s every chance we’ll have at least a technical recession in the fourth quarter given these statistics:
“The economy slumped to 0.6 per cent in the third quarter — below even the gloomy 0.8 consensus and about one-third what the Bank of Canada had predicted as recently as the summer — as trouble loomed on the export side, housing and business investment….
In addition, Statistics Canada revised downward the second quarter one notch to 1.7 per cent and September, the last month, was flat, meaning the handoff to the current fourth quarter was weak… The big shock in the third quarter report was that business investment, which the central bank has been counting on to support the economy, fell two per cent per cent annualized, and residential construction dived 4.4 per cent…As expected, net trade also weighed heavily on the economy in the third quarter as exports plunged 7.8 per cent on weak global demand and soft commodity prices.”
Only Christmas consuming will save the economy, he said facetiously. It will be amusing to see what propagandistic spin Flaherty and Co. put on this one. One thing's for sure: he won't ever admit that the neoliberal growth model is failing.

Wednesday, May 2, 2012

14 economic advisors Flaherty consults on policy and budgets are all from the financial sector: Fiscal contraction doesn't work


The 14 economic advisors Flaherty consults on policy and budgets are all from the financial sector, mostly banksters.

Here's what James K. Galbraith says about the implicit danger of such a stacked deck:

 "....economic policy should not be under the control of bankers, and any economic team which is dominated by the financial sector is going to be largely serving that sector's interest. Now, that, I think, is a very clear fact and something which everybody should be prepared to resist and to object to when it occurs and to protest until it changes. Until that happens, very little else will happen."  http://goo.gl/sMidp

 Let me reiterate by way of paraphrase that last bit:  we should be resisting, objecting to - whenever and wherever we can -  the Harper Regime's deep privileging of the financial sector through its overt neoliberal agenda. There's nothing remotely subtle going on here. As I've noted many times, it's such a classic neoliberal agenda it ought to be taught in university political economy classes. If we can't shift that ideological policy ground, none of the social and poltical transformations we seek has a chance. This should be our primary concern in our efforts to bring about system change. Everything else is a symptom.

And here's what even Larry Summers, Harvard professor, late of the White House advisory staff, has to say about misguided austerity such as that implemented by the Harper Regime:

"Fiscal contraction reduces incomes, limiting the capacity to repay debts. It achieves only limited reductions in deficits once the adverse effects of economic contraction on tax revenue and benefit payments are accounted for. And it casts a shadow over future growth prospects by reducing capital investment and raising unemployment, which inevitably takes a toll on the capacity and willingness of the unemployed to work."   http://goo.gl/GyZri

This is what protests around the world yesterday were really about.

Friday, March 2, 2012

Peak Everything and a Perpetual No Growth Economy

Preamble: Several stories over the past few days have prompted this post: stories about shrinking global supplies of oil and rising gasoline prices, stories about the EU's entrance into a prolonged recession and the implementation of absurd austerity programs, stories about a significant  de-acceleration of the Chinese economy, stories about the fragility of the U.S. economy, and, finally, stories  about a relative growth Canadian economy that is about to be whacked by ill-conceived and unnecessary deep cuts to federal government departments and programs that will affect everyone.
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Many heterodox economists and post-carbon researchers – most notably Richard Heinberg in several books but particularly in his seminal The End of Growth and Chris Martenson in The Crash Course - have recognized that, among other lesser causes, because of peak oil, the core source of energy that has been driving our economy for over a century, we have entered into in the global economy a real aggregate no growth – or at best relative, residual growth (that is, a stagnating, up one month, down the next) – economy that, in effect, is in the process of subtly hollowing out capitalism as we know it. For in market-driven capitalism, there is no such thing as stasis: only growth or contraction in a highly unstable and irrational system completely dependent on debt. I mean growth here both in a conventional economic sense of growth – that is, growth in GDP or, in practical terms, consumption – and growth in the broader sense in which Heinberg refines it: “growth in the sense of the expansion of the overall size of the economy (with more people being served and more money changing hands) and of the quantities of energy and material goods flowing through it.” Some economists say that a no growth, static-state economy is, in economic theoretical terms, a wave, not a cycle, and that it will last for 10 (Mark Carney) or 20 (Steve Keen) years. Some, like Heinberg argue – and I agree - that it will last forever and that we will will have no choice but to adapt to it if we wish to survive.

That economies should grow always and forever is of course the fundamental error of neoliberalism and its ever faithful companion neo-classical economic theory. In fact, as Heinberg notes, Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen, tellingly in 1971 - around the time the deep financialization of our economy began - pointed out that neo-classical economies have always failed to acknowledge the second law of thermodynamics by not accounting for the natural erosion of energy and matter that axiomatically undermines growth. And far too often if not always the effects of that depletion of energy and matter are treated misleadingly as mere externalities, the costs of which are not accounted for directly within any market transaction. (Externalities are the costs or benefits from a production transaction that are not reflected in the price but borne by someone or something else.) But one could argue that energy and the natural, material world are in facts forms of wealth or capital themselves, and as such they're subject, as all capital garnered for the production of wealth is, to the process of depletion. So excluding the negative effects on them skews the real costs to society and undermines the credibility and functionality of the growth model itself. One could offer a supplementary argument of course, as Dave Gardner does in the film Growthbusters, that growth in and of itself leads to only a deeper destruction of the planet and human communities because any kind of economic growth is dependent in some fashion on that destruction.

Energy and the natural, material world – exploitation of these is what makes a growth economy based on debt* work, but what happens when energy and the natural material world on which that growth model depends for its exploitation peak and subsequently begin their inevitable decline towards depletion? As both Heinberg and Martenson definitively argue, oil of course has been the foundation of the growth paradigm, for it has been our primary source of energy – so much so we probably can't imagine life without it. But countless research has shown that oil has unequivocally peaked in the sense of being at the point where resources have gradually begun to decline with a consensus estimate for full depletion being about 90 to 100 years. We can see the decline of conventional sources quite readily in the fact that almost all new finds are off shore in oceans, in such places as the Alberta tar sands and U.S. shale, and in the Arctic and that gas is being fracked from shale, coal beds, and "tight sands" – all unconventional sources requiring much more energy to extract than conventional sources.  And of course there is absolutely no way alternate sources of energy – wind, bio-fuel, solar, for example - can possibly make up for the amount of energy to which we have become accustomed or could possibly be as cost effective as oil has been with its well established infrastructure of use and economic performance. A tiny offset is the best we can hope for there. We will simply have to learn to live with much less.

Add to this key depletion of our main nonrenewable energy source the well-documented depletion of other resources such as minerals and fresh water and other impending crises such as growing food shortages, unsustainable population growth, the growing devastating effects, both to the planet and to the economy, of climate change, and the inevitable implosion of the financial system – all unheeded but well-documented – and we have a live action disaster movie on our hands. All of these are significant, but oil depletion as our main source of energy and the full havoc of which has yet to be visited upon us of climate change stand out. Of necessity we will have to decrease our wants. We will have to adapt. We will have to develop local sustainable economies just to survive because there is, according to Heinberg, Martenson, and Dave Gardner in Growtbusters, no other choice. Agreed with one small caveat.

In my correspondence with Richard Heinberg, I asked him about the part the occupy movement could play in his survival scenario. This is his response and my reply:

Richard: The book was written before Occupy emerged. If I could have, I would have written a section on it, talking about how important collective action on a national scale could be to upend systemic corruption (but I would also have pointed out that it's a risky strategy). Both US political parties serve Wall St., the oil companies, and the military-industrial complex, so normal means of political change are blocked. It is partly the observation that national politics are incapable of dealing with the end-of-growth crisis that leads to the localist solution. But localism also follows from the inevitability that, with less energy, we are headed toward a slower, less mobile, more local world anyway, so we'd better get busy building the infrastructure for that now.

Barry: I agree that with depleting resources and the increasing associated costs - energy and food in particular - it's inevitable that we will have to move to local economies of some sort. But while doing so now as individuals and community groups could be, as you suggest, preparatory in establishing some needed infrastructure, it can also become a kind of alibi for absenting oneself from the wider core political struggle - a withdrawal of sorts resulting in an abandonment of action on that wider collective level you mention. I might argue too that the wide collective action emerging in the occupy movement consists of many discrete local occupy groups around the world. In that sense, the movement, I think, is more cooperative than collective. It's both a decentralized and uncentered movement - what I call incremental, sloppy democracy - that clearly acknowledges, in my judgement, that the normal political power structures don't work. Hence the call for system change, not revision of the current political-economic complex. (This spring should tell us much.) So while you would point out risk on the collective level, I would point out the risk of an unwitting isolationist structuring on the local level. Better, perhaps, to work on both fronts since there may not really be, the post-structuralist in me would say, a binary opposition, either-or proposition, at work here at all - as I would argue on another occasion.

    *With fractional reserves lending, banks extend credit to businesses and individuals – which is really the creation of money by way of loans - in amounts that are much larger than their deposit base. Because interest has to be paid on those loans, this debt-based currency can only function effectively in an expanding economy. So money is based on debt, and growth in debt thus grows the money supply and,  in turn,  the economy. So we can see why banks, who like to keep us all in debt for profit motives, are crucial to a market economy. But here's the kicker: because money is created through bank loans, there can never be enough money to pay back all the outstanding loans with interest. In other words, if the system doesn’t keep growing, it will collapse in on itself – which is exactly where we're headed. See Marstenson in both Growthbusters and his book.

Saturday, May 28, 2011

Harperites Tax Policies Aggravate Gap Between rich and Poor

Toronto Star The full story

In addition to the weaknesses noted below in Les Whittington piece, one could also ask how effective is an accelerated reduction of the federal debt in creating jobs for Canadians? Since the Harperites are already shrinking tax revenues through the measures outlined below, wouldn't a focus on job creation combined with a modest pace in reducing the federal deficit be more prudent? People who work pay taxes and businesses who employ them also pay taxes. Many Harperite candidates in the recent election claimed publicly that jobs in and of themselves and the economy as it relates to jobs were the big issues at the door. If that is so, where indeed IS the focus on jobs, the heart of any economy?

"According to Toronto research agency Investor Economics, the richest 3.8 per cent of Canadian households controlled 66.6 per cent of all financial wealth (not counting real estate) by 2009, up from 60.6 per cent in 2005, just before Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s government came to power. Looking ahead, the agency predicts the portion of financial wealth controlled by this richest group of Canadians is headed for 70 per cent by 2018.

And some analysts say the economic strategies being pursued by a re-elected Harper will only make matters worse, leading to a further expansion of the income gap between the very rich and others in Canada.

The crux of the issue concerns the Conservatives’ plan to continue implementing corporate income tax cuts and to eventually bring in other tax breaks, such as expanding deposits in Tax-Free Savings Accounts and allowing two-income couples with children younger than 18 to split their income for federal tax purposes.

While these measures have been promoted as ways of creating jobs or helping average Canadians, some economists say the benefits to the rich from these tax breaks will far outweigh anything seen by other members of society."